OPINION OF THE COURT
GIBBONS, Circuit Judge.
This appeal is from an order entered by the United States Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania dismissing plaintiff's complaint for lack of subject matter jurisdiction. Appellant Raymond Crilly, a bus driver, sued his employer, Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority (SEPTA), and his union, United Transportation Union Local 1594 (Local), alleging that SEPTA had discharged him in breach of the collective bargaining agreement between the defendants, and that the Local had breached its duty of fair representation by failing to pursue his grievance to arbitration.
Crilly contends that the district court had jurisdiction over his case by
After careful consideration of the interrelationship between the definition sections of the Wagner and Taft-Hartley Acts, we hold that the district court was correct in dismissing Crilly's complaint for lack of subject matter jurisdiction. We find that SEPTA is a political subdivision of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and therefore excluded from the coverage of both Acts. We reach this decision even though coverage of state and local government employees might be consistent with the dominant purposes of the Taft-Hartley Act. In view of the limited evidence and strong inferences that do exist regarding congressional intent behind the cross referencing of the definition sections, however, we cannot find such coverage. Moreover, the extension of coverage is a legislative not a judicial function, and we note that Congress is presently considering the matter.
I. IS SEPTA A POLITICAL SUBDIVISION OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA?
In NLRB v. Natural Gas Utility District, 402 U.S. 600, 91 S.Ct. 1746, 29 L.Ed.2d 206 (1970), the Supreme Court determined that federal rather than state law governs the issue whether or not an entity is a political subdivision of a State for the purposes of the Taft-Hartley Act, and therefore adopted a definition which had previously been formulated by the National Labor Relations Board.
SEPTA was created by an act of the state legislature as an "agency and instrumentality" of the Commonwealth to "exercise . . . public powers", including that of eminent domain. Metropolitan Transportation Authorities Act of 1963, as amended, 66 Pa.Stat.Ann. § 2001 et seq. (Supp.1975). It is governed by a Board of Directors composed of an ex officio member appointed by the Governor of Pennsylvania, two members from each of the five counties in its designated service area — Bucks, Chester, Delaware and Montgomery — who are appointed by their respective county commissioners, and two members appointed by the Mayor of Philadelphia with the approval of the City Council. 66 Pa. Stat. § 2016(a)(1). Thus, SEPTA falls squarely within the meaning of public subdivision as that term is used in § 2(2) of the Wagner Act.
II. ARE STATE POLITICAL SUBDIVISIONS ENGAGED IN BUSINESSES AFFECTING INTERSTATE COMMERCE, AND THE LABOR ORGANIZATIONS REPRESENTING THEIR EMPLOYEES, EXCLUDED FROM COVERAGE BY THE LABOR MANAGEMENT RELATIONS ACT?
The Wagner Act, enacted in 1935 as a measure to salvage much of § 7(a) of the defunct National Industrial Recovery Act, 48 Stat. 198 (1933), guaranteed employees the right to organize and bargain collectively, and proscribed certain employer anti-union activities. Section 2(2) of that Act defined employer but excluded from coverage "any State or political subdivision thereof." 29 U.S.C. § 152(2).
Section 501(3) cross references the definition of employer for purposes of the Labor Management Relations Act to the definition of employer in the National Labor Relations Act, § 2(1). The cross reference, applied literally, suggests that political subdivisions of states are excluded from coverage under either act.
While we could conclude our analysis at this point if the definitions of the Wagner Act were clearly intended to be literally applied to suits under the Taft-Hartley Act, several significant decisions have cautioned that literalism may not be the appropriate canon of statutory construction. See, e. g. United States v. Ryan, 350 U.S. 299, 76 S.Ct. 400, 100 L.Ed. 335 (1950). Contra, Puerto Rico Marine Management, Inc. v. Internat'l Longshoremen's Ass'n, AFL-CIO, 398 F.Supp. 118 (D.P.R.1975).
Thus, at least two circuits in determining whether there is § 301(a) jurisdiction over a union look no further than the language "labor organization which represents employees in an industry affecting commerce", and disregard the cross reference in § 501(3) to a restrictive definition of employee or labor organization.
Obviously the same technique of statutory construction could be used with respect to the definition of employer. That is, we might look not to the literal language of § 501(3) and § 2(2), but to the dominant intention of Congress in enacting the Labor Management Relations Act. If we perceive that the dominant intention was to cover all employers in industries where a labor dispute would burden or obstruct commerce or the free flow of commerce, we could conclude that the exclusion of political subdivision employers in § 2(2) was not intended to apply to both Acts. If we perceive that the dominant intention was to exclude totally from the reach of the national law of labor relations states and their political subdivisions, however, we should conclude that § 2(2) applies and that there is no § 301(a) jurisdiction. But as is so often the case, Congress has revealed its dominant intention with crystalline ambiguity.
We have not been referred to any legislative history in the eightieth Congress disclosing so much as a conscious decision respecting the status of state and political subdivisions under Titles II-V of the Taft-Hartley Act. The most that can be said is that the 1935 congressional decision excluding them from the coverage of the Wagner Act was carried forward. But that decision tells very little about the congressional intention with respect to the new titles. Congress in 1935 decided that it would not attempt to confer on public employees of the states a right to bargain collectively or to strike.
But while we must, to decide this case, finally say what we think Congress had in mind, the plain truth is that our legislators probably had no specific intention in 1947 respecting the applicability of § 301 to contracts with entities such as SEPTA. We deal not with the discovery of an actual intention, but with a speculative inquiry into what Congress would have intended had the issue before us been considered. That inquiry ought reasonably be related to the relevant considerations. Identifying them is our problem.
One method of identifying those considerations in the absence of legislative history is to assess the precedential consequences of attributing to Congress one or the other intention. What follows if we say that state political subdivisions, and the labor organizations representing their employees, are outside the coverage of the Labor Management Relations Act? What follows if we say they are covered? While this method may not guide us unerringly to the true collective intention of the eightieth Congress, at least it will expose the considerations which could lead us to a reasonable construction of the statute.
So then, if SEPTA and the Local are exempt, it follows:
If Crilly is right that SEPTA is an employer covered by the Taft-Hartley Act, none of the foregoing nine arguably
Despite the practical attraction of Crilly's proposed statutory interpretation, we are convinced by other evidence that Congress probably did intend to exclude state and local government employees from the coverage of the Taft-Hartley Act. Unlike the supervisor cases, the original Wagner Act definition of employer explicitly excluded states and political subdivisions. Therefore, we do not have a statutory ambiguity of the magnitude which justified Judge Friendly's dominant legislative purpose analysis. In addition, the exemption of state and political subdivisions has been evident in other pieces of federal labor legislation.
There is insufficient evidence in either past or present legislative history for this court to find that Congress would have included public employees within the provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act if it had specifically considered the problem. We are inclined to believe that the legislative silence during the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act with reference to the carrying forward of the exemption for states and political subdivisions, if it meant anything, meant approval of the exemption. Thus, until Congress expressly changes the definition of employer in § 2(2) of the Wagner Act to include states and political subdivisions, or provides a new definition in the Taft-Hartley Act, we will adhere to the literal language of the definition just as we have done with reference to the exemption in the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959, 29 U.S.C. § 401 et seq. (1970). See, e. g., Local 1498, American Fed'n of Government Employees v. American Fed'n of Government Employees, AFL-CIO, 522 F.2d 486 (3d Cir. 1975); New Jersey County and Municipal Council # 61 v. American Fed'n of State, County and Municipal Employees, 478 F.2d 1156, 1160 (3d Cir.), cert. denied, 414 U.S. 975, 94 S.Ct. 290, 38 L.Ed.2d 218 (1973).
If we were legislators, we might want to extend coverage for the reasons already discussed. But we recognize that in the final analysis the issue in this case presents a legislative not a judicial problem, and we therefore defer to future congressional consideration.
The judgment of the district court will be affirmed.
FootNotes
But this definition is virtually identical to the definition of labor organization in § 2(5) of the Wagner Act. Probably Congress intended that the definition in § 304 should not be dependent upon the restrictive definition of employer in § 2(2) of the Wagner Act although it has failed to convey this intention unambiguously. Section 304 now appears at 18 U.S.C. § 610.
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