Judgment Affirmed March 5, 1973. See 93 S.Ct. 1441.
The City of Petersburg, like all political subdivisions of the Commonwealth of Virginia, is required to clear changes in its voting procedures in accordance with Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as amended, 79 Stat. 439; 42 U.S.C. § 1973c.
On December 21, 1971, the City submitted its annexation to the Attorney General for approval pursuant to the 60-day provision of Section 5. On February 22, 1972, the Attorney General, acting through the Assistant Attorney General, Civil Rights Division, objected to the annexation in a letter to the attorneys for the City of Petersburg which stated that in view of the facts relating to Petersburg, particularly the use of at-large elections for City Councilmen, it was concluded that the reduction in the proportional voting strength of blacks by the addition of a large number of white residents, diluting the votes of black citizens, amounts to a discriminatory effect on voting under the Voting Rights Act.
On motion of the plaintiff City, the court on April 5, 1972, enjoined plaintiff and the Election Board of the City of
Petersburg is an independent city in Virginia covering an eight-square-mile area, whose 1970 population was 36,103. In 1971 the City completed steps which it had begun five years earlier to annex 14 square miles of land from adjacent Prince George and Dinwiddie Counties
Although the number of registered voters by race in the old City is not known, calculations based on 1970 census figures indicate that at that time blacks represented about 51% of the registered voters. The same calculations indicate that the annexed area will augment the number of white voters by about 4,800.
The annexation, whose effective date was midnight, December 31, 1971, had been generally supported by the citizens of Petersburg, black and white alike, since the mid-1960's, as a necessary measure to allow the City of expand its tax base and its potential for growth and development. The contours of the annexation were designed to bring in the territory which it was economically feasible to serve, and whose population shared a community of interest with the old City. Joseph H. Owens and Hermanze Fauntleroy, both black, were members of the City Council when it unanimously adopted the annexation ordinance in 1966. In fact, Owens originally introduced the ordinance. Fauntleroy, currently the only black Councilman, testified at the trial that he had no objection to the annexation as such, and regarded it as a feasible step for the City's development.
A map of the city and the surrounding areas is annexed.
As elsewhere in Virginia, there has been a long history of racial segregation and discrimination in the City of Petersburg. By various methods in the past blacks have been restricted in their ability to wield effective political influence in relation to their actual numerical strength by limitations on their voting and political participation which resulted from the operation of laws, customs, and official and individual behavior. Until recently, rigid patterns of segregation by law affected nearly every facet of life.
Although state-imposed segregation has been abated, its long continuance in the past caused a dramatic polarization of the races in Petersburg with respect to voting and this result has not been obliterated. An informal white political structure
The simple transformation of a potential black voting majority into a clear minority has no effect on relative racial voting strengths unless votes are cast along racial lines. Analysis of past election results clearly indicates that almost total bloc voting by race has been the well established pattern in Petersburg. In recent Council elections, in which both black and white candidates have participated, the vote in precincts which are racially identifiable as being almost completely black or white has been overwhelmingly along racial lines. This is clear from the following charts
From this positive showing of racial bloc-voting in the wards which are identifiable as being almost totally black or white it may be inferred that the same type of voting occurs throughout the City of Petersburg in elections affecting local issues. There is no evidence which warrants a contrary conclusion.
It is noted, however, that Councilman Owens, a black, was elected in 1964, at a time when a majority of the registered voting strength of the city was white. In 1966, another black, Councilman Fauntleroy, was elected when the majority voting strength of the city was still white. In 1968, when there was a possibility that by re-electing Mr. Owens and electing another black candidate, the black members would control the council, there was an unusually large turnout of white voters in the white wards,
The City Council of Petersburg, which has always had a majority of white members, has been generally unresponsive to some of the expressed needs and desires of the black community and has on some occasions rejected or failed to adopt programs, employment policies and appointments recommended by blacks. Without doubt, the same could be said of some programs, policies, and
Following annexation, the black member of the City Council, on his own behalf and for the black community, presented and supported a proposal to have members of the City Council elected from single-member districts, as opposed to election at-large. This proposal was made in an effort to reduce the dilutive effect the at-large election would have on black political strength.
We recognize that the election from single-member districts of a number of governmental representatives to a body composed of several members, rather than being elected at-large from the governmental unit, has the effect of making the representatives from the single districts more responsive to the special interests and characteristics of the individual district. Conversely, the election of all such representatives from the governmental unit at-large (as from an entire city) generally causes the representatives to be more responsive to, and characteristic of, the interests of the entire city. Representatives from single districts generally are more responsive to the special interests of their districts, and at-large representatives generally serve the entire community more effectively.
Plaintiff's answer to the proposal to switch to single-member districts is that the advantages of the at-large system when combined with the city manager form of government are so overwhelming that it should not be modified in any way, and that they outweigh any discriminatory effect or disadvantage which might result to the voting strength of blacks in Petersburg. We agree that an at-large system of electing city councilmen has many advantages over the ward system, and that the former method is better calculated to represent majority interests in a city, but the ward system also has some advantages in that it brings the councilman closer to his constituents. Also, to accede to plaintiff's contention in cases such as this would, as a practical matter, exempt all at-large city elections from the provisions of the Voting Rights Act. We do not find that Congress so intended.
In order to obtain the declaratory judgment sought, plaintiff must meet the burden placed upon it by the Voting Rights Act of proving by the preponderance of the evidence that its change in election procedures "does not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color."
This is a heavy burden for a community in a state with Virginia's history of past racial discrimination. It requires the plaintiff to prove both that the changed election procedures
As we have stated, we do not find any evidence here that the changed procedure (the annexation) was for the purpose of denying blacks the right to vote on account of race or color. However, notwithstanding the absence of such evidence as to motivation or purpose, in order for plaintiff to prevail in this action it must prove the changes would not have the effect of discriminatorily
It is clear that Congress has placed this burden upon the plaintiff. Congressman McCulloch, the ranking minority member of the House Judiciary Committee, in discussing the burden of proof in Section 5 actions when the 1970 amendments to Section 5 were under consideration, remarked on the floor of the House:
In the Senate, similar remarks were made by Senator Fong:
"This section, in effect, freezes election procedures in the covered areas [Virginia included] unless the changes can be shown to be nondiscriminatory."
Plaintiff has not met this burden.
The annexation of parts of Dinwiddie and Prince George Counties to the City of Petersburg dilutes the weight, strength and power of the votes of the black voters in the City, with a concomitant effect upon their political influence which is a part of the bundle of individual rights embodied in the franchise as recognized and guaranteed by the Constitution. Perkins v. Matthews, 400 U.S. 379, 388, 91 S.Ct. 431, 27 L.Ed. 2d 476 (1971);
The Diamond intervenors, who limited their participation in the case to the submission of a post-trial memorandum and oral argument, raise an additional issue on the basis of evidence submitted by the other parties. They contend that the annexation per se, even with a shift to a ward voting system for councilmanic elections, cannot properly be approved by this Court in a declaratory judgment proceeding under the Voting Rights Act.
First, they argue that this Court's power under the Act is limited in this case to either approving or disapproving the annexation without taking into account the context in which it occurs or any feasible means by which the plaintiffs could annex the areas in question without violating the Act. Second, these intervenors contend that even if this Court does have the power to approve the annexation subject to a change from an at-large to a ward voting system for councilmanic elections, it should not approve this annexation on any conditions for the reason that the election of each of the six "constitutional officers"
In the first place, the Diamond intervenors overlook the fact that by requiring plaintiff to shift to a ward voting system for its councilmanic elections, the Court is not, as these intervenors argue, bringing "into play" its "broad equity power." Rather, it is simply declaring that the Petersburg annexation in the context of an at-large voting system would amount to an expansion of an at-large voting system, and that the expansion, on the evidence in this case, is a change in a "practice or procedure with respect to voting" which will have the effect prohibited by the Act. The basis for this conclusion has already been set forth in this opinion.
If the view of the Diamond intervenors concerning what constitutes a denial or abridgment in annexation cases were to prevail, no court could ever approve any annexation in areas covered by the Voting Rights Act if there were a history of racial bloc-voting in local elections for any office and if the racial balance were to shift in even the smallest degree as a result of the annexation.
In support of their position the Diamond intervenors cite Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339, 81 S.Ct. 125, 5 L.Ed. 2d 110 (1960). Certainly they are correct in looking to Supreme Court decisions in Fifteenth Amendment cases to cast light upon the nature of the discrimination which the Voting Rights Act is designed to eliminate.
The Court concludes then, that this annexation, insofar as it is a mere boundary change and not an expansion of an at-large system, is not the kind of discriminatory change which Congress sought to prevent; but it also concludes, in accordance with the Attorney General's findings, that this annexation can be approved only on the condition that modifications calculated to neutralize to the extent possible any adverse effect upon the political participation of black voters are adopted, i. e., that the plaintiff shift from an at-large to a ward system of electing its city councilmen.
In coming to this conclusion with respect to the argument of the intervenors as to the constitutional officers, we take note of several factors:
First, the statute places the responsibility of the initial decision in the Attorney General and he has objected to the voting changes only insofar as they apply to the at-large election of councilmen. His interpretation of this section of the statute, as applied to the facts of this case, is entitled to deference.
Second, the voters added to the City of Petersburg by the annexation never previously voted for any city officers. Hence their inclusion in the voting population of the city was a substantial departure from past practices. However, we conclude from the governmental organization of the State of Virginia that these annexed voters did previously vote for "constitutional officers" in their previous district.
Third, to change to the ward system of electing councilmen will most certainly result in a present increase in black representation on the City Council that has every prospect of being permanent. Thus, the force of black voting strength will be increased over the results they have been able presently to achieve even with a majority of the voters. We recognize that it is arguable that black citizens might be able to obtain even greater representation in old Petersburg if the annexation were prohibited, but the smaller city would not be as viable a political unit and the percentage figures which represent the relative voting strengths of the two races after the annexation are not so disparate that, given the proven defection from absolute bloc voting that exists here, the resulting representation and government would not be fairly representative of both races. Under the annexation, the relative voting strengths of the two races are close to being equal and control of the City Council could go either way and might shift from election to election, depending on the interests of the voters in any given election, the qualifications of the candidates, and the apportionment of the Council districts.
None of these factors are dispositive in themselves, but taken together we believe they support our conclusion, which affirms the decision of the Attorney General.
Accordingly, the declaratory judgment sought by plaintiff is denied. Counsel will submit an appropriate order. We retain jurisdiction of the case to consider any matters which may arise in the future under our decision.
Dear Mr. Davenport:
This is in reference to your submission under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 of the 1971 annexation to the City of Petersburg, Virginia . . . .
* * * * *
In examining an annexation under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, it is incumbent on the Attorney General to determine whether the annexation—either in purpose or effect—results in racial discrimination in voting. In making this evaluation we apply the legal principles which the Courts have developed in the same or analogous situation. Moreover, it is also significant that Section 5 only prohibits implementation of changes affecting voting and provides that such changes may not be enforced without receiving prior approval by the Attorney General or by the District Court for the District of Columbia. Our proper concern then is not with the validity of the annexation but with the changes in voting which proceed from it.
In the case of Petersburg, we can summarize our consideration as follows: The pre-annexation population of Petersburg was made up of 56 percent black citizens and 44 percent white citizens. The city's seven-member governing body was elected at large on a plurality basis. As part of its deliberations the council considered and voted down a proposal that the election of its members be revised so that each would be elected by and would represent a separate district. The annexation was generally supported by both black and white groups, with the exception that some black groups contended that the city should be subdivided into districts to prevent post annexation dilution of the black vote.
The city was expanded by 14 square miles and some 7,000 persons, nearly all of whom were of the white race. The present population is 47 percent black and 53 percent white. The number of councilmen was expanded from five to seven, all of whom are to be elected at at large.
Unquestionably, the above facts indicate that the proportional voting strength of blacks has been reduced. The issue is whether this reduction amounts to a discriminatory effect on voting within the meaning of the Voting Rights Act. We conclude that it does. The reason lies not in the fact of annexation—Congress certainly did not intend for all southern cities to be prevented from annexing any territory. Rather, in re-adopting the at large election system in the context of a significant change of population—from black to white majority—and simultaneously rejecting a proposed ward system, the potential for an adverse and discriminatory voting effect has been written into the Petersburg election law. While the reasons the city advances for using an at large system are credible and would normally present no special problem, in the particular context of Petersburg we are unable to conclude that the at large feature will not have a discriminatory effect on voting rights. Therefore, under the Voting Rights Act we must register objection to its implementation. See Holt v. City of Richmond [334 F.Supp. 228] (E.D.Va., Civil Action No. 151-71-R).
I wish to stress that this ruling relates only to the voting changes occassioned by the annexation. This objection to the implementation of such changes does not affect the validity of the annexation itself. As the Court in the Holt case ruled, one way to meet this problem would be to hold separate at large elections for a proportional number of councilmen in the pre-annexation of annexed areas. Another would be to adopt a fairly drawn system of single member wards. The Attorney General will consider withdrawal of this objection if these or other modifications calculated to insure against a racial effect on voting are adopted.
Of course, as provided by Section 5, you have an alternative of instituting an action in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia for declaratory judgment that the changes do not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.
Total Votes % of Votes Total Votes % of Votes Total Ward Cast for Black Cast for Black Cast for White Cast for White Votes
No. Candidate(s) Candidates Candidates Candidates Cast CHART 1, 1964 CITY COUNCIL GENERAL ELECTION3* (black) 339 82.3% 73 17.7% 412 6 " 356 81% 85 19% 441 7 (white) 110 2.7% 3,949 97.3% 4,059 8 " 14 3.2% 713 96.8% 727 CHART 2, 1966 CITY COUNCIL GENERAL ELECTION3 (black) 811 93.8% 53 6.2% 864 6 " 883 92.8% 69 7.2% 952 7 (white) 70 1.9% 3,663 98.1% 3,733 8 " 17 2.4% 682 97.6% 699 CHART 3, 1968 CITY COUNCIL GENERAL ELECTION3 (black) 725 96.9% 56 3.1% 1,781 6 " 951 96.7% 67 3.3% 2,018 7 (white) 191 2.1% 8,691 97.9% 8,782 8 " 16 .7% 2,179 99.3% 2,195 CHART 4, 1970 CITY COUNCIL GENERAL ELECTION3 (black) 837 90.2% 91 9.8% 928 6 " 965 93.5% 67 6.5% 1,032 7 (white) 280 8.5% 3,021 91.5% 3,301 8 " 10 1.1% 860 98.9% 870 * Population of Wards 3 and 6, by race, is 42 whites and 10,547 Negroes. Ward 7 has 7,373 whites and 20 Negroes. Ward 8 has 1,796 whites and 2 Negroes.